The Solomon Amendment and the Don't Ask, Don't
Tell Policy: Gays and Lesbian Lawyers in the Military
A panel discussion on government
policy, sponsored by the American Constitution Society and
OUTLAW, October 5, 2004
On October 15, Department of Defense recruiters visited the Law
School to promote careers in the military; nearly everyone was welcome.
In civilian life, the gay rights front has marched from the closet
to the pulpit, but in the forces, the doors are still shut.
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Protesters in the lobby of Furman Hall when Department of Defense recruiters visited the Law School. |
Ten days before the arrival of the DOD, the Law Schools American
Constitution Society and OUTLAW presented a panel discussion to
raise awareness of the issues that would troop in alongside the
military recruiters.
The four person panel consisted of Shara Frase, an associate with
Heller Ehrman White & McAuliffe LLP; Geoffrey Stone, Harry Kalven,
Jr. Distinguished Professor of Law at the University of Chicago
Law School; Sharra Greer, Director of Law and Policy at the Service
Members Legal Defense Network; and Burt Neuborne, John Norton Pomeroy
Professor of Law and Director of the Brennan Center for Justice.
Greer opened the discussion by side-stepping the legalese, and
explaining what it means to be gay in the military. It means living
a lie. Greer described an endemically homophobic military culture
that routinely turns a blind eye to beatings and verbal persecution
of gay or gay-suspected service men and women.
Despite the double think of the 'Don't Ask, Don't Tell' policy
fudge of the Clinton administration, in which the military supposedly
took a what-we-don't-know-can't-hurt-us position; in fact, senior
officers routinely goad suspected service personnel for confessions.
Once admitted to, homosexuality receives instant discharge.
And you really can't tell anyone at any time. Greer described the
experience of Airman Brandi Grijalva who assumed the sanctity of
the confessional applied as much in the forces as it did on civvy
street. He admitted his sexuality to his chaplain and received an
honorable discharge.
Grijalva got off lightly. After fourteen and a half years of stellar
service, someone reported that Officer Derek Sparks was gay. Despite
the fact that 'Don't Ask, Don't Tell' vetoes investigation of service
personnel for their sexuality, an investigation ensued and Sparks
received a lower than honorable discharge. As a result, he lost
all his benefits.
The visit by military recruiters to the Law School comes at the
end of a long running battle between NYU and the DOD. In 1978 New
York University School of Law was the first American university
to deny its career services to employers that discriminated on the
basis of sexuality. The veto joined previous policies that denied
access to any recruiter who discriminated on the basis of race,
gender, religion or disability.
According to Neuborne, NYU School of Law realized how much employers
relied on the Law Schools graduates for recruits, and used
the leverage to influence employers anti-discrimination policies.
"We found we could just turn off the spigot, and it worked,"
he said.
In an attempt to bring the errant universities into line, the Solomon
Amendment was enacted in 1995. The legislation denied DOD funding
to universities that refused access to military recruiters. In 1997,
Congress expanded the amendment to deny funding from the Departments
of Labor, Health and Human Services, Education, and Transportation.
The Law School lost $75,000 dollars in student aid but still wouldnt
let the military in.
The military, however, doesnt take no for an answer. In 1999,
the DOD reinterpreted the Solomon Amendment. Up until that point,
if the Law School refused access, then the Law School lost the money.
But now, if any part of NYU failed to get in line, then the whole
University would be refused access to federal funds. For departments
such as the medical school, whose federal funds each year amount
to more than the entire Law School budget, this would be disastrous.
The Law School has since had no choice but to permit access to military
recruiters. In short, the DOD did what they do best, they strong-armed
their way in.
Frase is part of a legal team that is leading a coalition of law
schools and universities, known as FAIR (Forum for Academic and
Institutional Rights), in one of four lawsuits that challenge the
constitutional legitimacy of the Solomon Act. Individual universities
were initially slow to join the fight, understandably wary of taking
on both the DOD and Congress. The coalition was formed to allow
universities to maintain anonymity while still standing up for their
egalitarian principles. The initial hesitation has long been replaced
by a groundswell of support and FAIR now has 25 members.
"No one wants to jump in first unless they have twenty other
hands to hold onto, but what is really surprising is not the initial
hesitation, but how quickly the law schools acted once FAIR gave
them a means by which to challenge Solomon," she said.
Professor Stone, however, played devil's advocate. "I don't
believe that any law school discussion should be a cheer-leading
session," he said. According to Stone, the problem with contesting
the Solomon Act as an infringement of the First Amendment, is that
in this case, the issue was really one of equality, not freedom
of speech.
He explained that although preventing DOD access to Law School
property may infer support for certain political and social ideals,
strictly speaking, there isn't actually any speech involved. Drawing
a parallel example, he said that although driving over the speed
limit may be an expression of your opposition to anti-speeding laws,
you could hardly bring a defense against a reckless driving charge
on the basis that it is an infringement of your rights under the
First Amendment.
The panel agreed that they were glad he was on their side.
By Dan Bell
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